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General information
Teikō aims to be a multidisciplinary academic journal of anti-imperialist studies on Asia, Africa and America, with special interest in the political, sociological, linguistic, historical, economic, criminological, legal and international security fields.
Our objectives
We are interested in addressing problems of all kinds derived from Western cultural hegemony and the neoliberal economic paradigm , and generating critical literature on global capitalism and academic Eurocentrism .
On the one hand, we commit ourselves to the abolitionist struggle against gender , pornography , prostitution , surrogate motherhood (also known as surrogate motherhood), and any other form of oppression, exploitation, and violence (whether sexual, reproductive, or domestic) exercised against women in the framework of current patriarchal societies, in accordance with radical feminist theory (constructed by authors such as Kate Millett or Andrea Dworkin, although not only, and contrary to the principle of secondary feminism). prevalent in other spaces of the revolutionary left) that inspires our texts. We subscribe, therefore, to the Women's Human Rights Campaign (WHRC) Declaration on the rights of women based on sex , and we assume the generic feminine (as well as the formula as/os, or the exclusive masculine when appropriate) in the magazine writing.
When will the first issue be published?
The first call for manuscripts ( call for papers ) for issue 1 (vol. 1) of the Journal is now open. Although it will be laid out and published approximately in March 2022, the texts will be available as soon as they pass the review and selection process.
Some of the topics we recommend researching are:
revolutions or anti-imperialist political movements;
blockades or economic sanctions on countries of the Global South and the emergence of new solidarity alliances or survival strategies;
apartheid regimes, wars, occupations, interventions, interference, and invasions for the monopoly of resources or as a reaction to the challenge of the capitalist order;
analysis of elements of the ideological and legal-political superstructure of the bourgeois mode of production in Western contexts and its diffusion to the rest of the world;
mechanisms of reproduction of global inequalities (migratory policies, asylum and refuge, trafficking for labor and sexual exploitation, endemic violence associated with drug trafficking, female slavery, as well as the precariousness of the material conditions of the proletariat and the peasantry in Asia, Africa, and America);
victories or setbacks in terms of rights based on the sex of women and in the class struggle;
theoretical discussion of the work of feminist or communist leaders and authors;
others with a similar focus or content.
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Although the idea of humanity arose in the Renaissance to designate the difference between Europeans and those who professed non-Christian religions, we know that the concept of barbarian precedes the previous one by several centuries, as we can infer from reflections on identity, otherness, and the Panhellenic consciousness of Thucydides, Herodotus, and Aeschylus in ancient Greece. Already at that time, the first demonization of the eastern foreigner (specifically, of the Persians) took place as an enemy plagued by vices and amoral forms of behavior —lasciviousness, laxity, unrestrained emotionality, excessive brutality—in the collective imagination, a trend that we never give up. Throughout this article, we will deal with issues related to the social and political-economic construction of race as an instrument of capitalist domination and exploitation , the history of Chinese immigration in the American continent, the successive military conflicts initiated by the United States. against the Philippines, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam to defend their interests in Asia, the current anti-China propaganda in the midst of the trade war, and the myths and stereotypes surrounding ethnic minorities that have led to an increase in hate crimes during the coronavirus pandemic.
Although the idea of humanity arose in the Renaissance to designate the difference between Europeans and those who professed non-Christian religions, we know that the concept of barbarian precedes the previous one by several centuries, as we can infer from reflections on identity, otherness, and the Panhellenic consciousness of Thucydides, Herodotus, and Aeschylus in ancient Greece. Already at that time, the first demonization of the eastern foreigner (specifically, of the Persians) took place as an enemy plagued by vices and amoral forms of behavior —lasciviousness, laxity, unrestrained emotionality, excessive brutality—in the collective imagination, a trend that we never give up. Throughout this article, we will deal with issues related to the social and political-economic construction of race as an instrument of capitalist domination and exploitation , the history of Chinese immigration in the American continent, the successive military conflicts initiated by the United States. against the Philippines, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam to defend their interests in Asia, the current anti-China propaganda in the midst of the trade war, and the myths and stereotypes surrounding ethnic minorities that have led to an increase in hate crimes during the coronavirus pandemic.
Although the idea of humanity arose in the Renaissance to designate the difference between Europeans and those who professed non-Christian religions, we know that the concept of barbarian precedes the previous one by several centuries, as we can infer from reflections on identity, otherness, and the Panhellenic consciousness of Thucydides, Herodotus, and Aeschylus in ancient Greece. Already at that time, the first demonization of the eastern foreigner (specifically, of the Persians) took place as an enemy plagued by vices and amoral forms of behavior —lasciviousness, laxity, unrestrained emotionality, excessive brutality—in the collective imagination, a trend that we never give up. Throughout this article, we will deal with issues related to the social and political-economic construction of race as an instrument of capitalist domination and exploitation , the history of Chinese immigration in the American continent, the successive military conflicts initiated by the United States. against the Philippines, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam to defend their interests in Asia, the current anti-China propaganda in the midst of the trade war, and the myths and stereotypes surrounding ethnic minorities that have led to an increase in hate crimes during the coronavirus pandemic.
One of the key elements in the analysis of imperialism is the issue of ecological degradation, linked to each of the divisions that emerge in a world capitalist system where a large number of States are constantly competing with each other both directly and through of its financial and industrial corporations for control —or, better said, looting— of resources (almost always foreign), within the framework of a hierarchy that subordinates the center (or metropolis) to the periphery . In this article, we will try to address how the relations of domination of the human being over himself and nature are expressed after abandoning the feudal mode of production, the devastating consequences of global warming on the most vulnerable sectors of the population, the negligence of international organizations when proposing a binding legal model that recognizes the status and ensures the survival of people displaced by environmental risks or dangers in the host countries, the approach of alternatives absolutely disconnected from the reality of some well-intentioned...
The Japanese sex-gender system has rarely been applied uniformly across social classes, much less before the 20th century; instead, it is known the existence of a series of customary norms that would have affected mainly the aristocracy, allowing commoners to enjoy relative sexual freedom and movement at the end of the Tokugawa era . However, in the process of building the modern Meiji State opposed to the notion of popular sovereignty, the elites intend to classify the cultural elements in force in the society of that time according to their functionality or uselessness with respect to the imperial cause , showing a true contempt towards public opinion and going so far as to censor newspapers and magazines prone to political commentary by imposing sanctions from 1871, although these did not usually fall on their peers, in a socio-economic sense, who were considered fully included in the debate around the next steps to be taken by the empire.
Among the different social movements that have been gaining strength and progress in this first quarter of the century, theoretical training has come to be conspicuous by its absence. Materialist thought in general, and Marxist thought in particular, have suffered a kind of distortions and omissions that can only be understood as due to philosophical laziness and, perhaps, dishonesty. The recovery of philosophical knowledge, the constant going and returning to it and with it, has no other meaning than to guide, direct, affirm, and even, why not say it?, deny these social movements. Ad hoc with the current political context, starting with the recovery of Maoist thought can be useful in this sense, since it would help us understand the development of the current second economic power, without prejudice to the fact that there are points of said thought that have already passed. to the background or have been reformulated. In this regard, we stick to presenting Mao Tsetung's philosophical thesis, On Practice , which will be useful in this double sense: 1) it highlights the importance of returning to the theoretical foundations that allow guiding political practice and 2) putting the finger on the ideological principles from which the People's Republic of China was built.
Drug trafficking is a serious problem on a global scale that plagues both producing countries and transit and consumer countries, creating a black market that moves millions of dollars each year, and thus constituting a fundamental source of income for thousands of of criminal groups throughout the planet. In this writing, we have proposed to briefly deal with some aspects of this phenomenon in Southeast Asia, specifically Myanmar and South Vietnam (before reunification), especially in relation to the power dynamics between the State and producer groups. with the black market, and the successive US interferences designed to economically strengthen groups related to their political objectives. Western imperialist powers have already set a precedent in the use of drug trafficking for their own benefit, as happened with Great Britain and the opium trade in China [...]
The traditional notion of corruption as decadence and destruction , as something out of place, has been shared by political thinkers of all stripes, from Aristotle to Machiavelli. Currently, the academic literature on this issue is extensive. Authors such as Lee & Oh (2007) define it as "the abuse of a position or the resources associated with it by officials for private profit, either through bribery, nepotism, obtaining or arbitrarily granting advantages political or economic, influence peddling, or the illegal financing of parties or electoral campaigns, among other methods. At the international level, efforts have been multiplied to adopt binding treaties and conventions (such as the one on Laundering, Detection, Apprehension and Confiscation of the Proceeds of Organized Crime of 1990, although not only) that define the criteria on which to base the character contrary to the Law of these activities, forcing each signatory State to classify it in their respective Penal Codes according to standards and values that seek to be universally accepted .
In general terms, the creation of the Chinese Communist Party responded to the singular aspiration of both the rural and urban masses to acquire a leading role in one of the two political projects so different from each other that were forged in the country after the May Fourth movement of 1919, culminating in the defeat of the Kuomintang in the Chinese Civil War (which spanned the period from 1927 to 1949) at the hands of the People's Liberation Army. According to the academician Ke Song (2018), what propelled them towards success was the collective determination to subvert the socioeconomic order of incipient capitalism and to launch, in its place, one with Marxist and Leninist foundations in which workers , peasants, and intellectuals were in a position to join forces against the imperialist powers that had tried to subjugate the will of the Chinese people through relentless interference in line with gunboat diplomacy.